Will AI Replace Humans? Reframing the Fourth Industrial Revolution within a Human Development Paradigm
Tag: General news
Published On: October 01, 2026
The growing debate about Artificial Intelligence has produced a question that appears simple but is considerably more complex than it first suggests: will Al replace human beings?
We need to distinguish between two versions of this question. The first is the popular fear that Al will render humanity as a whole obsolete. This fear dominates public discourse but finds little support in serious scholarship. The second is the more substantive academic and policy question: who will benefit from Al, who will be excluded, and under what conditions can societies govern and deploy these technologies for human development?
The International Monetary Fund, for instance, does not argue that humans will become irrelevant. It argues that employment will be restructured, that some tasks will be substituted while others will be complemented, and that the capacity to capture Al's benefits is unevenly distributed across countries. Similarly, the World Economic Forum projects both displacement and creation of jobs, producing a net increase across the trends it considers.
These are questions of distribution, capability and governance; not of human obsolescence.
This article addresses the second question, and it argues that the first has diverted attention from it for too long.
The question has gained legitimacy from the speed at which contemporary Al systems are developing. The IMF estimates that almost 40 percent of global employment is exposed to Al, with exposure rising to about 60 percent in advanced economies. At the same time, the IMF distinguishes between jobs in which Al may substitute for human tasks and those in which it
may complement human labor and improve productivity. For emerging markets and low-income countries, the estimated exposure is lower, but these economies also tend to be less prepared to capture the benefits of Al, raising the possibility that technological advancement could widen existing disparities between countries.
The World Economic Forum's Future of Jobs
Report 2025 similarly projects substantial labor-market transformation by 2030, including the creation of approximately 170 million jobs ano displacement of about 92 million, producing a projected net increase of 78 million jobs across the trends considered in the report.
These projections deserve serious attention.
They demonstrate that Al will affect work, production and the organization of economies.
They do not, however, establish that human beings as a whole are becoming obsolete.
Indeed, I believe that the debate is being situated in the wrong parlance.
Before asking whether Al will replace humans, we ought to ask a more fundamental set of questions. Replace humans from what? Replace humans in the production of what? For whose benefit? And finally, towards what developmental end?
These questions take us back to the more fundamental relationship between production and development.
Al did not emerge from a vacuum. It is a product of human ingenuity accumulated over centuries.
It is the latest expression of humanity's continuing effort to overcome limitations, improve production, process information, solve problems and expand what human beings can accomplish. To understand the Fourth Industrial Revolution properly, therefore, it is necessary to understand the three industrial transformations that preceded it.
Research on information and communication technologies in developing countries has long demonstrated that the developmental consequences of a technology depend less on the technology itself than on the institutional, political and organizational context into which it is introduced. Avgerou, for instance, argues that explaining the relationship between technology and development requires sustained attention to context—historical, institutional and political-rather than assuming that technological capability translates automatically into developmental capability. The implication for Al is direct: the same technology may produce very different outcomes depending on the institutions and capabilities that surround it.
Human societies have always been confronted by needs that exceed existing productive capacities. Food has to be produced, goods transported, information communicated, diseases treated, resources extracted and environments managed. As human needs expanded, so did the search for better ways of
meeting them.
The First Industrial Revolution, conventionally associated with the period from approximately 1760 to 1840, represented a fundamental shift from predominantly human, animal and biomass-based sources of energy towards mechanized production, powered increasingly by water and steam. It transformed manufacturing,
mining, textiles and transportation and established the foundations of the modern factory system.
The significance of this transformation was not simply that machines began performing tasks previously performed by human beings or animals. Its deeper significance was that human productive capacity was expanded. The steam engine allowed societies to undertake forms of production and transportation at scales and speeds that were previously impossible. The locomotive transformed mobility, while
mechanized production altered the organization of labor and industry.
Human beings did not become irrelevant because the steam engine became powerful. In fact, human beings became capable of doing
more.
The Second Industrial Revolution extended this productive transformation. From the late 19th century into the early 20th century, electricity, new forms of communication, the internal combustion engine, steel, chemicals and mass-production techniques fundamentally altered industrial economies. Electricity allowed production to be reorganized around increasingly sophisticated systems of power. The telegraph and telephone accelerated communication. The assembly line became an important mechanism through which standardized goods could be produced on a scale that earlier industrial methods could not easily achieve.
Again, the fundamental story was an expansion of human productive capacity.
The Third Industrial Revolution introduced another profound transformation. Beginning particularly in the middle of the 20th century, electronics, computing, digital systems and information technologies changed the manner in which human beings generated, stored, processed and communicated information.
Computers, databases, statistical software, telecommunications and eventually the Internet established the digital infrastructure upon which much of today's economy depends.
The progression is therefore important. The first industrial transformation expanded what human beings could accomplish with physical power.
The second expanded the scale and speed of industrial production and communication. The third dramatically expanded the capacity to process information.
The Fourth Industrial Revolution builds on this accumulated foundation. As the narratives confirm, it did not suddenly arrive from nowhere.
The Fourth Industrial Revolution is commonly associated with the convergence of digital technologies with physical and, increasingly, biological systems. Artificial Intelligence, machine learning, robotics, cloud computing, the Internet of Things, advanced analytics and cyber-physical systems are among the technologies associated with this transformation.
The distinction between the Third and Fourth Industrial Revolutions is important. The digital revolution gave humanity increasingly powerful tools for storing, transmitting and processing information. The Fourth Industrial Revolution here extends those capabilities towards systems that can identify patterns, generate prompts and predictions, automate processes and, in some circumstances, perform tasks that previously required significant human cognitive effort.
But even this extraordinary development remains deeply dependent upon what came before.
The sophisticated algorithms of today stand upon decades of computing, programming, statistics, databases, information systems and digital infrastructure. The data that Al systems process are generated through human activity and human-designed systems. The computational infrastructure is human-made.
The objectives given to Al systems are all determined by people and institutions.
Even the elementary computing principle of
"Garbage In, Garbage Out (GIGO)" remains relevant. The sophistication of a system does not eliminate the consequences of poor inputs, poorly structured information or flawed assumptions. Contemporary Al may process vastly larger quantities of information than earlier computing systems, but the fundamental relationship between inputs, processing and outputs remains.
This is why it is difficult to accept the assumption that the arrival of increasingly sophisticated Al automatically means the disappearance of human relevance. Technology has repeatedly changed the manner in which human beings produce. Yet the fact remains that it has not eliminated the human reason for production.
This historical context becomes particularly important when the Fourth Industrial Revolution is considered from an African perspective.
There is a tendency in global discussions about Al to speak about humanity as though all societies are approaching the technological future from the same developmental starting point. Well, they are not. We are not! Inequalities prevall!
NASA uses this pattern test to prevail.
The World Economic Forum itself acknowledges that the industrial revolutions have not unfolded
uniformly across the world and that elements of earlier industrial transformations remain
incomplete in some societies even as Fourth Industrial Revolution technologies emerge.
For Africa, this is not merely an academic observation.
Large sections of the continent continue to confront challenges associated with basic human needs and productive capacity. Access to potable water, sanitation, reliable energy, quality education, healthcare, decent employment, food security, adequate housing and productive infrastructure remain uneven. In many
communities, the basic conditions necessary for human flourishing are still insufficient. Ghana is not exempt from this reality.
It is also important to acknowledge that Africa is not a single developmental space. The continent contains 54 countries with widely divergent level of industry capability and industrial strength and technological readiness.
It is also important to acknowledge that Africa is not a single developmental space. The continent contains 54 countries with widely divergent levels of industrial capacity, institutional strength and technological readiness. Rwanda, for instance, has developed a national Al policy and is actively building data governance frameworks.
Kenya has produced one of the world's most dynamic mobile-financial ecosystems, and Nigeria has a rapidly growing technology sector.
These experiences coexist with countries in the same continent where basic electrification, connectivity and public administration remain severely constrained. The argument in this article therefore applies most directly to the continent's general condition, but it should not be read as erasing the important differences between and in fact, within—African countries. Indeed, where relevant, the discussion identifies the conditions under which the argument holds and the conditions under which it does not.
We can discuss artificial intelligence in the morning and return in the afternoon to communities struggling with inadequate sanitation, post-harvest losses, unemployment, poverty, environmental degradation and unreliable access to essential services. We can celebrate digital innovation while rivers are polluted by destructive mining practices (Galamsey) and agricultural communities continue to confront productivity constraints.
This is the paradox.
We are discussing technologies capable of analyzing enormous quantities of information while significant sections of our societies continue to struggle with challenges that previous industrial revolutions should have helped us address more effectively.
Africa therefore has a peculiar developmental challenge. We are attempting to enter the Fourth Industrial Revolution while substantial elements of the first three remain incompletely harnessed.
That does not mean Africa should wait. It means Africa must be strategic in our embrace of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Development is not a single event. It is a process of acquiring capabilities. A society that has not developed reliable infrastructure, quality education, productive industries, strong institutions, functioning data systems and technological skills cannot simply purchase ar system and expect the develonmental.
The Fourth Industrial Revolution presents Africa with both a warning and an opportunity. The warning is that technological inequality can become another dimension of the existing
development divide. Countries that possess infrastructure, skills, capital, research capacity and strong institutions are better positioned to capture the benefits of Al. Those without these foundations risk becoming increasingly dependent on external technology and expertise.
The opportunity, however, is equally significant.
Africa does not necessarily have to reproduce every stage of development in exactly the same manner as the countries that industrialized
earlier. Where appropriate, emerging
technologies can help overcome institutional and infrastructural limitations, provided that they are introduced within coherent development strategies.
The concept of technological leapfrogging deserves scrutiny. It must not become another slogan. The idea that developing countries can bypass earlier stages of industrialization and adopt advanced technologies directly is appealing, and there are cases-such as mobile financial services in Kenya, where it has partially occurred. But leapfrogging is not automatic. It must be supported by investment in people. It must be supported by workable evidence. It must be supported by institutions. It must be evaluated against measurable development outcomes. And it must be guided by a clear understanding of the problems it is intended to solve. It requires reliable infrastructure, capable institutions, a skilled workforce and a policy environment that supports innovation and regulates risk. Where these conditions are absent, the leapfrogging narrative can become a justification for neglecting the foundational investments that development requires. The risk is that countries attempt to leap without the investments that development requires. The risk is that countries attempt to leap without the capacity to land.
This is where Human Development and Monitoring and Evaluation must meet the Al revolution. The Al system should not only be evaluated according to whether it works technically. It should also be evaluated according to whether it works developmentally and thus, addresses the following questions adequately:
a. Does it improve access?
b. Does it reduce inequality?
c. Does it improve productivity?
d. Does it reduce waste?
e. Does it strengthen public services?
f. Does it create meaningful opportunities?
g. Does it improve environmental outcomes?
h. Does it expand people's capabilities?
Does it preserve human agency?
These are the questions that should increasingly accompany the deployment of Al in development.
In conclusion, the fear that Artificial Intelligence will eventually render human beings useless is understandable in an age of rapid technological change. But when the question is examined within the history of production and development, the argument becomes less straightforward.
Humanity has repeatedly created technologies that extend our physical and intellectual capabilities. Steam power extended physical capacity. Electricity transformed production and communication. Computing extended information-processing capacity. The Internet transformed connectivity.The history therefore suggests continuity rather than a sudden departure from the human story.
The greater concern for Africa should not be that Al exists. It should be whether Africa possesses the human capabilities, infrastructure, institutions and development strategies required to benefit from it.
We have unfinished business from previous industrial transformations. We continue to confront poverty, inadequate sanitation, food insecurity, unemployment, environmental degradation, weak productive systems and institutional limitations. These realities should not make us afraid of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. They should make us more deliberate about how we enter it.
If we have learned anything from the history of technology, it is that innovation responds to human needs and expands human productive possibilities.
The question before Africa is therefore not whether we should fear the machine. The question is whether we will acquire the knowledge and institutional capacity to use the machine. The Fourth Industrial Revolution will continue to advance, whether Africa is ready or not. The responsibility of all of us development practitioners, policymakers, researchers and citizens, is to ensure that its benefits do not remain concentrated among those who already possess the greatest technological and economic advantages.
Production remains a means, development is the broader purpose, and human beings remain the reason. The task before us is therefore not to
preserve humanity from technology by resisting progress. It is to ensure that technological progress remains connected to human progress.
As the biblical warning reminds us, people can perish for lack of knowledge. In the age of Artificial Intelligence, the lesson is particularly relevant. We cannot afford to fear what we have not learned to understand.
The argument presented here is not that Al is harmless, or that its risks are exaggerated. The argument is that the most consequential risks for Africa are not the ones that dominate global discourse. The risk is not that machines will become too intelligent for human beings. The risk is that the human and institutional
capabilities required to govern, adapt and benefit from these technologies remain underdeveloped, and that Africa will again become a consumer rather than a producer of the technologies that shape its future. That is a development problem before it is a technological one. It requires development solutions: investment in people, in institutions, in data, in energy and in the capacity to make evidence-based decisions about where technology shoulo and should not be deployed.
Finally, Ghana and Africa must learn. We must adapt. We must build. And, above all, we must ensure that the extraordinary intelligence we are creating remains in the service of the development of the people for whom all this production, innovation and advancement ultimately exist.
1. International Monetary Fund. (2024). Gen-Al:
Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Work. IMF Staff Discussion Note SDN/2024/001.
Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund.
2.World Economic Forum (2025).The future of Jobs Report 2025. Geneva: World Economic Forum.
3.World Economic Forum. (2016). The Fourth Industrial Revolution: What It Means, How to
Respond. Geneva: World Economic Forum.
4.United Nations Development Programme.
(2025). Human Development Report 2025: A Matter of Choice: People and Possibilities in the Age of Al. New York: United Nations
Development Programme.
5.KoBold Metals. (2025). KoBold Metals: Using Machine Learning and Scientific Computing to Explore for Critical Minerals. KoBold Metals.
6.Gagliardone, I. (2016). The Politics of Technology in Africa: Communication, Development, and Nation-Building in Ethiopia.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
7.Avgerou, C. (2019). Contextual explanation:
Alternative approaches and persistent challenges. MIS Quarterly, 43(3), 977-1006.
8.Acemoglu, D., & Restrepo, P. (2020). Robots and jobs: Evidence from US labor markets.
Journal of Political Economy, 128(6), 2188-2244.
9.Mohamed, S., Png, M. T., & Isaac, W. (2020).
Decolonial Al: Decolonial theory as sociotechnical foresight in artificial intelligence.
Philosophy & Technology, 33(4), 659-684.
Michael A. Sarfo-Kantanka
Human Development Practitioner & Monitoring and Evaluation Expert
[email protected].
We need to distinguish between two versions of this question. The first is the popular fear that Al will render humanity as a whole obsolete. This fear dominates public discourse but finds little support in serious scholarship. The second is the more substantive academic and policy question: who will benefit from Al, who will be excluded, and under what conditions can societies govern and deploy these technologies for human development?
The International Monetary Fund, for instance, does not argue that humans will become irrelevant. It argues that employment will be restructured, that some tasks will be substituted while others will be complemented, and that the capacity to capture Al's benefits is unevenly distributed across countries. Similarly, the World Economic Forum projects both displacement and creation of jobs, producing a net increase across the trends it considers.
These are questions of distribution, capability and governance; not of human obsolescence.
This article addresses the second question, and it argues that the first has diverted attention from it for too long.
The question has gained legitimacy from the speed at which contemporary Al systems are developing. The IMF estimates that almost 40 percent of global employment is exposed to Al, with exposure rising to about 60 percent in advanced economies. At the same time, the IMF distinguishes between jobs in which Al may substitute for human tasks and those in which it
may complement human labor and improve productivity. For emerging markets and low-income countries, the estimated exposure is lower, but these economies also tend to be less prepared to capture the benefits of Al, raising the possibility that technological advancement could widen existing disparities between countries.
The World Economic Forum's Future of Jobs
Report 2025 similarly projects substantial labor-market transformation by 2030, including the creation of approximately 170 million jobs ano displacement of about 92 million, producing a projected net increase of 78 million jobs across the trends considered in the report.
These projections deserve serious attention.
They demonstrate that Al will affect work, production and the organization of economies.
They do not, however, establish that human beings as a whole are becoming obsolete.
Indeed, I believe that the debate is being situated in the wrong parlance.
Before asking whether Al will replace humans, we ought to ask a more fundamental set of questions. Replace humans from what? Replace humans in the production of what? For whose benefit? And finally, towards what developmental end?
These questions take us back to the more fundamental relationship between production and development.
Al did not emerge from a vacuum. It is a product of human ingenuity accumulated over centuries.
It is the latest expression of humanity's continuing effort to overcome limitations, improve production, process information, solve problems and expand what human beings can accomplish. To understand the Fourth Industrial Revolution properly, therefore, it is necessary to understand the three industrial transformations that preceded it.
Research on information and communication technologies in developing countries has long demonstrated that the developmental consequences of a technology depend less on the technology itself than on the institutional, political and organizational context into which it is introduced. Avgerou, for instance, argues that explaining the relationship between technology and development requires sustained attention to context—historical, institutional and political-rather than assuming that technological capability translates automatically into developmental capability. The implication for Al is direct: the same technology may produce very different outcomes depending on the institutions and capabilities that surround it.
Human societies have always been confronted by needs that exceed existing productive capacities. Food has to be produced, goods transported, information communicated, diseases treated, resources extracted and environments managed. As human needs expanded, so did the search for better ways of
meeting them.
The First Industrial Revolution, conventionally associated with the period from approximately 1760 to 1840, represented a fundamental shift from predominantly human, animal and biomass-based sources of energy towards mechanized production, powered increasingly by water and steam. It transformed manufacturing,
mining, textiles and transportation and established the foundations of the modern factory system.
The significance of this transformation was not simply that machines began performing tasks previously performed by human beings or animals. Its deeper significance was that human productive capacity was expanded. The steam engine allowed societies to undertake forms of production and transportation at scales and speeds that were previously impossible. The locomotive transformed mobility, while
mechanized production altered the organization of labor and industry.
Human beings did not become irrelevant because the steam engine became powerful. In fact, human beings became capable of doing
more.
The Second Industrial Revolution extended this productive transformation. From the late 19th century into the early 20th century, electricity, new forms of communication, the internal combustion engine, steel, chemicals and mass-production techniques fundamentally altered industrial economies. Electricity allowed production to be reorganized around increasingly sophisticated systems of power. The telegraph and telephone accelerated communication. The assembly line became an important mechanism through which standardized goods could be produced on a scale that earlier industrial methods could not easily achieve.
Again, the fundamental story was an expansion of human productive capacity.
The Third Industrial Revolution introduced another profound transformation. Beginning particularly in the middle of the 20th century, electronics, computing, digital systems and information technologies changed the manner in which human beings generated, stored, processed and communicated information.
Computers, databases, statistical software, telecommunications and eventually the Internet established the digital infrastructure upon which much of today's economy depends.
The progression is therefore important. The first industrial transformation expanded what human beings could accomplish with physical power.
The second expanded the scale and speed of industrial production and communication. The third dramatically expanded the capacity to process information.
The Fourth Industrial Revolution builds on this accumulated foundation. As the narratives confirm, it did not suddenly arrive from nowhere.
The Fourth Industrial Revolution is commonly associated with the convergence of digital technologies with physical and, increasingly, biological systems. Artificial Intelligence, machine learning, robotics, cloud computing, the Internet of Things, advanced analytics and cyber-physical systems are among the technologies associated with this transformation.
The distinction between the Third and Fourth Industrial Revolutions is important. The digital revolution gave humanity increasingly powerful tools for storing, transmitting and processing information. The Fourth Industrial Revolution here extends those capabilities towards systems that can identify patterns, generate prompts and predictions, automate processes and, in some circumstances, perform tasks that previously required significant human cognitive effort.
But even this extraordinary development remains deeply dependent upon what came before.
The sophisticated algorithms of today stand upon decades of computing, programming, statistics, databases, information systems and digital infrastructure. The data that Al systems process are generated through human activity and human-designed systems. The computational infrastructure is human-made.
The objectives given to Al systems are all determined by people and institutions.
Even the elementary computing principle of
"Garbage In, Garbage Out (GIGO)" remains relevant. The sophistication of a system does not eliminate the consequences of poor inputs, poorly structured information or flawed assumptions. Contemporary Al may process vastly larger quantities of information than earlier computing systems, but the fundamental relationship between inputs, processing and outputs remains.
This is why it is difficult to accept the assumption that the arrival of increasingly sophisticated Al automatically means the disappearance of human relevance. Technology has repeatedly changed the manner in which human beings produce. Yet the fact remains that it has not eliminated the human reason for production.
This historical context becomes particularly important when the Fourth Industrial Revolution is considered from an African perspective.
There is a tendency in global discussions about Al to speak about humanity as though all societies are approaching the technological future from the same developmental starting point. Well, they are not. We are not! Inequalities prevall!
NASA uses this pattern test to prevail.
The World Economic Forum itself acknowledges that the industrial revolutions have not unfolded
uniformly across the world and that elements of earlier industrial transformations remain
incomplete in some societies even as Fourth Industrial Revolution technologies emerge.
For Africa, this is not merely an academic observation.
Large sections of the continent continue to confront challenges associated with basic human needs and productive capacity. Access to potable water, sanitation, reliable energy, quality education, healthcare, decent employment, food security, adequate housing and productive infrastructure remain uneven. In many
communities, the basic conditions necessary for human flourishing are still insufficient. Ghana is not exempt from this reality.
It is also important to acknowledge that Africa is not a single developmental space. The continent contains 54 countries with widely divergent level of industry capability and industrial strength and technological readiness.
It is also important to acknowledge that Africa is not a single developmental space. The continent contains 54 countries with widely divergent levels of industrial capacity, institutional strength and technological readiness. Rwanda, for instance, has developed a national Al policy and is actively building data governance frameworks.
Kenya has produced one of the world's most dynamic mobile-financial ecosystems, and Nigeria has a rapidly growing technology sector.
These experiences coexist with countries in the same continent where basic electrification, connectivity and public administration remain severely constrained. The argument in this article therefore applies most directly to the continent's general condition, but it should not be read as erasing the important differences between and in fact, within—African countries. Indeed, where relevant, the discussion identifies the conditions under which the argument holds and the conditions under which it does not.
We can discuss artificial intelligence in the morning and return in the afternoon to communities struggling with inadequate sanitation, post-harvest losses, unemployment, poverty, environmental degradation and unreliable access to essential services. We can celebrate digital innovation while rivers are polluted by destructive mining practices (Galamsey) and agricultural communities continue to confront productivity constraints.
This is the paradox.
We are discussing technologies capable of analyzing enormous quantities of information while significant sections of our societies continue to struggle with challenges that previous industrial revolutions should have helped us address more effectively.
Africa therefore has a peculiar developmental challenge. We are attempting to enter the Fourth Industrial Revolution while substantial elements of the first three remain incompletely harnessed.
That does not mean Africa should wait. It means Africa must be strategic in our embrace of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Development is not a single event. It is a process of acquiring capabilities. A society that has not developed reliable infrastructure, quality education, productive industries, strong institutions, functioning data systems and technological skills cannot simply purchase ar system and expect the develonmental.
The Fourth Industrial Revolution presents Africa with both a warning and an opportunity. The warning is that technological inequality can become another dimension of the existing
development divide. Countries that possess infrastructure, skills, capital, research capacity and strong institutions are better positioned to capture the benefits of Al. Those without these foundations risk becoming increasingly dependent on external technology and expertise.
The opportunity, however, is equally significant.
Africa does not necessarily have to reproduce every stage of development in exactly the same manner as the countries that industrialized
earlier. Where appropriate, emerging
technologies can help overcome institutional and infrastructural limitations, provided that they are introduced within coherent development strategies.
The concept of technological leapfrogging deserves scrutiny. It must not become another slogan. The idea that developing countries can bypass earlier stages of industrialization and adopt advanced technologies directly is appealing, and there are cases-such as mobile financial services in Kenya, where it has partially occurred. But leapfrogging is not automatic. It must be supported by investment in people. It must be supported by workable evidence. It must be supported by institutions. It must be evaluated against measurable development outcomes. And it must be guided by a clear understanding of the problems it is intended to solve. It requires reliable infrastructure, capable institutions, a skilled workforce and a policy environment that supports innovation and regulates risk. Where these conditions are absent, the leapfrogging narrative can become a justification for neglecting the foundational investments that development requires. The risk is that countries attempt to leap without the investments that development requires. The risk is that countries attempt to leap without the capacity to land.
This is where Human Development and Monitoring and Evaluation must meet the Al revolution. The Al system should not only be evaluated according to whether it works technically. It should also be evaluated according to whether it works developmentally and thus, addresses the following questions adequately:
a. Does it improve access?
b. Does it reduce inequality?
c. Does it improve productivity?
d. Does it reduce waste?
e. Does it strengthen public services?
f. Does it create meaningful opportunities?
g. Does it improve environmental outcomes?
h. Does it expand people's capabilities?
Does it preserve human agency?
These are the questions that should increasingly accompany the deployment of Al in development.
In conclusion, the fear that Artificial Intelligence will eventually render human beings useless is understandable in an age of rapid technological change. But when the question is examined within the history of production and development, the argument becomes less straightforward.
Humanity has repeatedly created technologies that extend our physical and intellectual capabilities. Steam power extended physical capacity. Electricity transformed production and communication. Computing extended information-processing capacity. The Internet transformed connectivity.The history therefore suggests continuity rather than a sudden departure from the human story.
The greater concern for Africa should not be that Al exists. It should be whether Africa possesses the human capabilities, infrastructure, institutions and development strategies required to benefit from it.
We have unfinished business from previous industrial transformations. We continue to confront poverty, inadequate sanitation, food insecurity, unemployment, environmental degradation, weak productive systems and institutional limitations. These realities should not make us afraid of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. They should make us more deliberate about how we enter it.
If we have learned anything from the history of technology, it is that innovation responds to human needs and expands human productive possibilities.
The question before Africa is therefore not whether we should fear the machine. The question is whether we will acquire the knowledge and institutional capacity to use the machine. The Fourth Industrial Revolution will continue to advance, whether Africa is ready or not. The responsibility of all of us development practitioners, policymakers, researchers and citizens, is to ensure that its benefits do not remain concentrated among those who already possess the greatest technological and economic advantages.
Production remains a means, development is the broader purpose, and human beings remain the reason. The task before us is therefore not to
preserve humanity from technology by resisting progress. It is to ensure that technological progress remains connected to human progress.
As the biblical warning reminds us, people can perish for lack of knowledge. In the age of Artificial Intelligence, the lesson is particularly relevant. We cannot afford to fear what we have not learned to understand.
The argument presented here is not that Al is harmless, or that its risks are exaggerated. The argument is that the most consequential risks for Africa are not the ones that dominate global discourse. The risk is not that machines will become too intelligent for human beings. The risk is that the human and institutional
capabilities required to govern, adapt and benefit from these technologies remain underdeveloped, and that Africa will again become a consumer rather than a producer of the technologies that shape its future. That is a development problem before it is a technological one. It requires development solutions: investment in people, in institutions, in data, in energy and in the capacity to make evidence-based decisions about where technology shoulo and should not be deployed.
Finally, Ghana and Africa must learn. We must adapt. We must build. And, above all, we must ensure that the extraordinary intelligence we are creating remains in the service of the development of the people for whom all this production, innovation and advancement ultimately exist.
1. International Monetary Fund. (2024). Gen-Al:
Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Work. IMF Staff Discussion Note SDN/2024/001.
Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund.
2.World Economic Forum (2025).The future of Jobs Report 2025. Geneva: World Economic Forum.
3.World Economic Forum. (2016). The Fourth Industrial Revolution: What It Means, How to
Respond. Geneva: World Economic Forum.
4.United Nations Development Programme.
(2025). Human Development Report 2025: A Matter of Choice: People and Possibilities in the Age of Al. New York: United Nations
Development Programme.
5.KoBold Metals. (2025). KoBold Metals: Using Machine Learning and Scientific Computing to Explore for Critical Minerals. KoBold Metals.
6.Gagliardone, I. (2016). The Politics of Technology in Africa: Communication, Development, and Nation-Building in Ethiopia.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
7.Avgerou, C. (2019). Contextual explanation:
Alternative approaches and persistent challenges. MIS Quarterly, 43(3), 977-1006.
8.Acemoglu, D., & Restrepo, P. (2020). Robots and jobs: Evidence from US labor markets.
Journal of Political Economy, 128(6), 2188-2244.
9.Mohamed, S., Png, M. T., & Isaac, W. (2020).
Decolonial Al: Decolonial theory as sociotechnical foresight in artificial intelligence.
Philosophy & Technology, 33(4), 659-684.
Michael A. Sarfo-Kantanka
Human Development Practitioner & Monitoring and Evaluation Expert
[email protected].